Petroleum prices have always been a contentious issue in India. Historically, political expediency overrode economic considerations. The central government has some compelling reasons not to interfere with market forces, which are currently being affected by global factors.
It
is important that we look into the tax structure and petroleum prices. On
September 3, 2018, the prices of diesel and petrol in New Delhi were Rs 71.15
and Rs 79.15 respectively (rounded off). With every one-dollar increase in the
international price of crude oil, the cost of petrol and diesel in India
increases by Rs 0.50 per litre, while a fall in the exchange rate of the rupee
against the US dollar increases the cost of petrol and diesel by Rs 0.65 per
litre.
The
revenue generated by taxes on petroleum products is vital for both central as
well as state governments — the total contribution to the central and state exchequer
was Rs 4.93 trillion in 2017-18.
It
is important to remember that 42 per cent of the basic excise duty collection
at the Centre is given to state governments for infrastructure and welfare
programmes and 60 per cent of the remaining 58 per cent is spent on centrally
sponsored welfare schemes in the states. The total amount transferred to the
states is thus 76.8 per cent (42+34.8). Every one-rupee reduction in central
duty leads to a loss of about Rs 140 billion to the central exchequer.
Earlier,
under the Administered Price Mechanism (APM), when petrol and diesel prices
were not market-linked and prices were being modulated, the steep increase in
international prices of oil exerted severe pressure on the oil marketing
companies (OMCs). The retail prices of these commodities were kept below cost,
resulting in large under-recoveries for OMCs. Between 2004-05 and 2013-14,
total under-recoveries amounted to Rs 8.53 trillion and there were significant
subsidies.
Subsidies
for these under recoveries during the period 2004-08, when international crude
prices were increasing rapidly, proved grossly insufficient. Since the fiscal
position of the government was already precarious, it could not increase the
subsidy to this sector. The UPA government then resorted to issuance of “oil
bonds” to the OMCs. These interest-bearing oil bonds were not even reflected in
the balance sheet of the UPA Government, resulting in artificial measurement of
the burgeoning fiscal deficit.
So
far the government has repaid around Rs 700 billion to the holders of these
bonds. Of this amount, only about Rs 100 billion has gone into repayment of the
principal component and the rest towards the interest obligation. The
outstanding principal amount on these bonds is thus Rs 1.3 trillion. Most of
these bonds will mature by 2024-25, imposing a heavy burden on current as well
future governments.
An
important part of the solution to the problem will have to be a focus on
alternative energy sources. In 2015-16, coal and lignite accounted for 46.28
per cent of India’s energy consumption; crude petroleum for 34.48 per cent;
electricity from hydro, nuclear and other renewable sources of energy for 12.75
per cent; and natural gas for 6.49 per cent.
Therefore
the policy of the NDA government is to move towards renewable sources of
energy. But one cannot readily switch between them and other sources of energy.
To make our economy less dependent on oil will be a long-drawn-out process,
which can be accelerated by supportive government policies. The Modi government
is working on this long-term solution.
It
is evident than in order to reduce our dependence on imported oil, we need to
generate more energy from coal and lignite, which we have in abundance, and
also focus on electricity generation from hydro and other renewable sources
such as wind and solar. Since the government is focussed on having one GWh of
installed solar capacity by 2022, we will see an increase in its share in the
source-wise energy consumption in the years ahead. Until then economic prudence
should override political expediency.
No comments:
Post a Comment