Thursday, 11 April 2019

सेना से ज्यादा आतंकवादियों के मानवाधिकार की चिंता

 सेना से ज्यादा आतंकवादियों के मानवाधिकार की चिंता

गोपाल कृष्ण अग्रवाल,
राष्ट्रीय प्रवक्ता, भाजपा।

अपने चुनावी घोषणापत्र में कांग्रेस ने कहा है कि अगर वह सत्ता में आती है तो जम्मू-कश्मीर में सशस्त्र बल विशेष शक्तियां अधिनियम (आफ्रया) पर मानवाधिकारों के मद्देनजर पुनर्विचार करेगी। शायद कांग्रेस को सेना से ज्यादा आतंकवादियों के मानवाधिकारों की चिंता है। कांग्रेस जी. के. अग्रवाल यह नजरअंदाज कर रही है कि इसका कितना बुरा असर सेना के जवानों के कार्य पर पड़ेगा जो वहां आतंकवादियों के साथ हर रोज सीधा मुकाबला करते हैं। इस कानून में कोई भी छेड़छाड़ पाकिस्तान की तरफ से चलाए जा रहे छग्य युद्ध में सेना को कमजोर ही करेगी। कांग्रेस का आतंकवादियों, अलगाववादियों और देशविरोधी शक्तियों के प्रति हमेशा से सहानुभूतिपूर्ण रवैया रहा है। पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री राजीव गांधी ने टाडा हटाया, बाद की कांग्रेस सरकार द्वारा पोटा हटाया गया।

इसी तरह कांग्रेस द्वारा भारतीय दंड संहिता की धारा 124 ए से राजद्रोह के प्रावधान को हटाए जाने का वादा देश के अंदर चुन की तरह लगी राष्ट्रविरोधी ताकतों को समर्थन और मजबूती देना है। इससे माओवाद और उन्हें समर्थन देने वाले छद्म प्रबुद्ध वर्ग के विरुद्ध संघर्ष कमजोर होगा। सीआरपीसी के तहत भी अभियोगाधीन आपराधिक मामलों में जमानत की बात इसी श्रृंखला की कड़ी है। अपने घोषणापत्र में कांग्रेस कोई मजबूत आर्थिक नीति नहीं प्रस्तुत कर पाई है। जिस 'न्याय' योजना की बात वह कह रही है, उसके लिए जरूरी संसाधन जुटाने को लेकर उसके पास न तो जवाब है और न ही भविष्य की कोई रणनीति। कांग्रेस 72000 करोड़ रुपये की आर्थिक योजना के लिए मध्यवर्ग पर कर का और ज्यादा बोझ डालने की बात कर रही है। इसके लिए वह कितनी अन्य योजनाओं को निरस्त करेगी, यह अभी नहीं बता रही। इसका बोझ प्रदेश सरकारें भी वहन करेगी। बिना उनकी सहमति के केंद्र यह घोषणा नहीं कर सकता।

किसानों की समस्याओं को लेकर क्या रोडमैप है, कुछ नहीं बताया गया। अलग किसान बजट की घोषणा करने से क्या होगा, स्पष्ट नहीं है। वस्तु और सेवा कर (जीएसटी) को लेकर भी कांग्रेस एक रेट की बात करके आम जनता पर बोझ ही बढ़ाएगी। क्या शराब और खाद्यान्न पर एक ही टैक्स होना चाहिए? बीजेपी ने जीएसटी के अंतर्गत आम

जनता की आवश्यकता की वस्तुओं पर टैक्स दर काफी कम की है जो कांग्रेस बदलना चाहती है। 22 लाख सरकारी नौकरियों की संख्या बेमानी है। केंद्र में केवल 4 लाख नौकरियां है और सरकारी उद्यमों में केंद्र किसी को रखवा नहीं सकता। रोजगार की समस्या का यह कोई समाधान नहीं है। कांग्रेस ने अपने घोषणापत्र में कहा है कि वह न्यायपालिका व्यवस्था में व्यापक बदलाव करेगी। उसकी योजना है कि एक बिल लाकर सुप्रीम कोर्ट को संवैधानिक अदालत में बदल दिया जाए और एक अपीलीय अदालत का निर्माण करके हाई कोटों में फैसला पा चुके मामलों को सुना जाए। ऐसी व्यवस्था का कोई औचित्य नहीं है क्योंकि सारे मामले अंततः सुप्रीम कोर्ट में ही आकर समाप्त होंगे। 

इस नए प्रावधान से न्याय प्रक्रिया लंबी और जटिल हो जाएगी। कांग्रेस हाई कोर्ट और सुप्रीम कोर्ट में जजों की नियुक्ति के लिए न्यायिक आयोग स्थापित करना चाहती है। ऐसा कोई भी प्रावधान न्यायपालिका में हस्तक्षेप जैसा होगा। कांग्रेस कानून बदलेगी और प्रेस काउंसिल ऑफ इंडिया से कहेगी कि पत्रकारों के लिए कोड ऑफ कंडक्ट लाए। यह पत्रकारों की स्वंतत्रता पर सीधा प्रहार होगा। बिना व्यापक विमर्श के यह खतरनाक होगा। आज हजारों अखबार, न्यूज चैनल और वेबसाइट हैं जिनकी पहुंच वैश्विक है। बहुत सी चीजें सेल्फ रेगुलेटरी होती जा रही हैं। कांग्रेस को समझना चाहिए कि लोकतंत्र में मीडिया की स्वतंत्रता कितनी महत्वपूर्ण होती है। पार्टी को उन चीजों से दूर रहने की जरूरत है जो देश हित में नहीं हैं।

"जिस 'न्याय' योजना की बात कांग्रेस कह रही है, उसके लिए संसाधन जुटाने उसके पास कोई को लेकर जवाब नहीं है"|

Tuesday, 9 April 2019

Few alliances that Congress is stitching will also be undone by mahagathbandhan cracks

Glued together by their visceral hate for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and constrained to fight for their own political survival, various opposition parties with no shared policy or ideology are trying to unite against the National Democratic Alliance by calling themselves ‘mahagathbandhan’ – a grand alliance. But the fragmented and leaderless alliance is a non-starter.


The Congress party is supposed to be the nucleus of this grand alliance but other political parties are refusing to accept its leadership. Moreover, not all political parties with significant presence at the state level have joined the mahagathbandhan. The net result is that the possibility of putting up one opposition candidate against the NDA is proving to be more elusive than before.
Let’s start with some of the biggest states — in terms of electorate — to look at where the Congress, and the mahagathbandhan, stand just days before the elections.
In Uttar Pradesh, where the Samajwadi Party (SP), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) have joined hands to contest the Lok Sabha elections, the Congress is nowhere in the scene. Despite some initial talks in West Bengal, the alliance between Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and Rahul Gandhi’s Congress seems unlikely with war of words between the leaders of the two parties continuing unabated. In Delhi, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) will most likely not accept the Congress’ leadership, which makes any kind of alliance between them seem improbable.

In Kerala, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) is pitted against the Left Democratic Front (LDF). The fight between the Left Front and the Congress has taken an ugly turn since the announcement that Rahul Gandhi will also be contesting from Wayanad constituency (besides his traditional Amethi seat in Uttar Pradesh), with the Left accusing the Congress of weakening the opposition’s resolve to defeat Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Similar is the case in Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. The Congress has also failed to enter into an alliance with the parliamentarian Badruddin Ajmal’s All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) in Assam.

These eight states, which account for 226 seats in the Lok Sabha, will see a triangular or multi-cornered contest making the mahagathbandhan irrelevant.

The Congress’ national party status has suffered a jolt in Bihar where it has got only nine out of 40 seats to contest from while the alliance’s principal partner, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), will contest 20 seats with the remaining divided among smaller partners like Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Samta Party (five), Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (three) and Mukesh Sahni’s Vikasshil Insan Party (three).

Out of 39 Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu, the Congress has got only nine seats, while it will contest from the single seat in Puducherry. The National Conference (NC) and the Congress sealed an alliance for three Lok Sabha seats in Jammu and Kashmir and are talking of ‘friendly contests’ on three other seats. In Karnataka, the Janata Dal (Secular), whose HD Kumaraswamy is the state’s chief minister, has bargained hard to get eight seats and the Congress would be contesting on 20 seats.

The few alliances that the Congress has managed to cobble up will be undone by the cracks that have already appeared in mahagathbandhan. In Jharkhand, for instance, the Congress was allotted seven of the 14 parliamentary constituencies to contest from, with Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) getting four, Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (JVM) two and Lalu Prasad-led RJD one. But the RJD later objected to the seat-sharing and declared its candidate from Chatra, which was allotted to the Congress. State RJD president Annapurna Devi joined the BJP the day after the seat-sharing agreement was finalised in Jharkhand.

In Maharashtra, the Congress is contesting 26 seats while the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has managed to get 22 for itself. There is internal bickering in the Congress with the party’s state president Ashok Chavan sulking due to the alliance with the NCP.

While there is a complete uncertainty about the so called mahagathbandhan, the NDA already has the support of 39 political parties. The NDA unity was reflected from the fact that it declared its Bihar Lok Sabha candidates together. There was complete show of strength at BJP president Amit Shah’s nomination filing at Gandhinagar in Gujarat. The BJP is contesting in Punjab with Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and in Maharashtra with the Shiv Sena. These two are decade-old allies of the BJP.

The grand alliance also does not have a pan-India presence in comparison to the NDA, with all its alliance partners rallying behind one leader — Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Constituents of mahagathbandhan are likely to contest separately in many states, and would be engaged in ‘friendly fights’, which is nothing but a euphemism for failure to arrive at any seat-sharing agreement, in states like Jammu and Kashmir and Jharkhand. The pompous mahagathbandhan is a farce and its bogey of anti-Modism is not going to last beyond this Lok Sabha elections.

Friday, 5 April 2019

कांग्रेस और उसका राफेल भ्रम!

राफेल लड़ाकू विमान सौदे के पूरे मामले को लेकर कांग्रेस पार्टी का रैवया राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा के प्रति उसकी उपेक्षा और राष्ट्रीय हितों पर निजी हितों की प्राथमिकता को दर्शाता है । राफेल सौदे का राजनैतिक विरोध करने में कांग्रेस पार्टी ने इस बात को नजरअंदाज कर दिया कि भारतीय वायु सेना को अपनी ताकत बढ़ाने के लिए इन आधुनिक विमानों की सख्त आवश्यकता है क्योंकि मौजूदा बहुत से विमानों को वायु सेना ने सेवा से बाहर करने का निर्णाय ले लिया है। हाल में भारतीय वायु सेना और पाकिस्तान वायु सेना के बीच नियंत्रण रेखा पर हुई झड़पों में इस कमी को स्पष्ट देखा गया। गौरतलब है कि 126 लड़ाकू जेट की खरीद की सैद्धांतिक मंजूरी साल 2001 में ही दे दी गई थी।

राफेल सौदे पर कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष राहुल गांधी का हमला झूठ पर आधारित है और पिछले कुछ महीनों में उन्होंने बहुत सारे ऐसे झूठ बोले हैं। उन्होंने पहले आरोप लगाया कि राफेल सौदे में कोई इंडो-फ्रेंच सीक्रेसी क्लॉज नहीं था, लेकिन फ्रांसीसी राष्ट्रपति द्वारा इसका खंडन किया गया था। फिर उन्होंने कहा कि नरेंद्र मोदी ने डसॉल्ट पर अनिल अंबानी के साथ अनुबंध करने का दबाव डाला, जिसे डसॉल्ट एविएशन ने नकार दिया। संसद में राफेल पर बहस के दौरान उन्होंने एक नकली ऑडियो टेप भी पेश किया और जब उनसे इसकी सत्यता की पुष्टि करने के लिए कहा गया, तो उन्होंने इसे वापस ले लिया। इस सूची के नवीनतम आरोप, राहुल गांधी ने स्वर्गीय श्री मनोहर पर्रिकर के साथ अपनी बातचीत के हवाले से लगाया, जबकि तथ्य यह है कि उस बैठक के दौरान ऐसी कोई बातचीत नहीं हुई थी।

मूल्य निर्धारण पर बार-बार सवाल उठाने का प्रयास किया गया हैं। मूल्य निर्धारण के बारे में आंकड़े लगभग हर रक्षा रिपोर्टर द्वारा लंबे समय से बताए जा रहे हैं। राफेल के साथ (MMRCA) की बातचीत में 550 करोड़ रुपये की बुनियादी कीमत के साथ मुद्रास्फीति और विनिमय दर में उतार-चढ़ाव की बात की गई थी। एमएमआरसीए के तहत एक बुनियादी विमान का मौजूदा समायोजित मूल्य रु 737 करोड़ होता जबकि मोदी सरकार के सौदे के तहत यह कीमत रु 650 करोड़ है, जो कि 9 प्रतिशत सस्ता है। रक्षा मंत्रालय ने बार-बार इस बात को कहा कि विमानों की कुल लागत और संख्या को पहले से ही सार्वजनिक किया जा चुका है, लेकिन उपकरणों और उनके मूल्यों का विवरण गोपनीय रखा गया है जो साल 2008 के भारत-फ्रांस सुरक्षा समझौते के अंतर्गत आता है। इन विमानों के साथ आने वाले हथियारों और गोला बारूद का खुलासा करना, देश की सुरक्षा के हित में नहीं है। सरकार ने मौदूजा सौदे में इन विमानों के बेहतर रखरखाव और सर्विसबिलिटी जैसे मुद्दो को भी सफलतापूर्वक सुलझा लिया हैं।

कांग्रेस राफेल सौदे के ऑफ़सेट धारा पर भी जनता को गुमराह कर रही है, क्योंकि इस धारा के तहत खरीद, प्रति भुगतान पर आधारित है और इसके कई उत्पादो को लिया जा सकता है। यह केवल राफेल स्पेयर पार्ट्स के लिए नहीं है। अनिल अंबानी समूह की कंपनियों को दिवालियेपन के मुद्दे पर अब एक आसान शिकार बनाया जा रहा, जबकि डसॉल्ट के ऑफसेट भागीदारों की संख्या 120 हैं। मैं यह याद दिलाना चाहता हूं कि वह कांग्रेस की अगुवाई वाली यूपीए सरकार थी जिसने अनिल अंबानी समूह को अल्ट्रा मेगा पावर प्रोजेक्ट (यूएमपीपी) के तहत केवल कैप्टिव प्रयोग के लिए आंवटित खदानों से कोयला बाहर बेचने की अनुमति दे दी थी - यह अपवाद केवल उसके लिए किया गया था। यह वह समय था जब कोयले की कीमतें आसमान छू रही थीं। भ्रष्ट पूंजीवाद कांग्रेस के खून में है।

राफेल सौदे से संबंधित सभी पहलूओं को सुप्रीम कोर्ट के समक्ष एक सीलबंद कवर में दिया गया। कोर्ट को यह भी बताया गया कि राफेल सौदे से संबंधित सभी फाइल नियंत्रक एवं महालेखापरीक्षक (CAG) को उपलब्ध करवाई गई है और कैग रिपोर्ट को संसदीय समिति के समक्ष रखा जाएगा। मूल्य निर्धारण और अन्य नियमों एवं शर्तों को देखने के बाद, सर्वोच्च न्यायलय ने कहा था कि खरीद की उचित प्रक्रिया का पालन किया गया और इस संबंध में जांच की मांग को भी खारिज कर दिया था। इस मामले में दायर की गई समीक्षा याचिकाओं पर भी ऐसा ही फैसला आने की उम्मीद है। नियंत्रक एवं महालेखापरीक्षक ने भी अपनी रिपोर्ट में सरकार को क्लीन चिट दे दी है।

हाल ही में एक समाचारपत्र में छपी खबर में उन तथ्यों का जिक्र किया गया जो आधिकारिक राफेल फ़ाइल का हिस्सा भी नहीं हैं। मीडिया में छपी खबरों के बाद सरकार द्वारा एक स्पष्टीकरण भी जारी किया गया। सवाल पूछा जा रहा है कि केवल 36 जेट ही क्यों पर सरकार ने अतिरिक्त राफेल के विकल्प को कब बंद किया? आरोप यह भी लगाया जा रहा है कि सरकार ने यूरोफाइटर कंपनी के नए प्रस्ताव पर गौर क्यों नहीं किया है। इस बाबत सरकार ने कहा है कि उस समय नए प्रस्ताव पर गौर करना 2016 की रक्षा खरीद नीति के तहत अस्वीकार्य था और इससे केन्द्रीय सतर्कता आयोग के दिशानिर्देशों का उल्लंघन होता। इससे नए विमानों की खरीद में भी और देरी होती।

राफेल सौदे के बारे में बहुत शोर मचाया जा रहा है कि इस सौदा की स्वीकृति 4-3 के फैसले से हुई है। भारतीय दल के फैसले का स्पष्टीकरण संसद में रक्षा मंत्री ने दिया, जिसमें उसने कहा था कि सिविल सेवाओं की परंपराओं के तहत सभी विचारों को प्रस्तुत किया जाता है और विमर्श के बाद ही एक निर्णय लिया जाता है। साथ ही सभी निर्णय रक्षा खरीद प्रक्रिया के अनुसार अंतर-मंत्रालयी परामर्श की प्रक्रिया के बाद लिए गए।
राफेल पर कांग्रेस के अभियान की सबसे बड़ी विडंबना यह है कि दो सरकारो के मध्य बातो को एक अंतर सरकारी समझौते (IGA) की तुलना एसी निविदा प्रक्रिया से की जा रही है जो कि अमल में ही नहीं लाई गई। एक निविदा प्रक्रिया में कई सम्मिलित किया जा सकता है, जिनमें अंतिम स्वरुप बातचीत के पश्चात उभरता है और इन शर्तों पर सहमति नहीं बनने से वार्ता टूट सकती है। आईजीए ने बिचौलियों और कमीशन एजेंटों को भी समाप्त कर दिया, जो पूर्व में निविदा प्रक्रिया और के माध्यम से सभी रक्षा खरीद सौदो का हिस्सा बन गए थे।

इस सौदे की जांच के लिए कांग्रेस ने संयुक्त संसदीय समिति (जेपीसी) की मांग की है जो उचित नहीं है क्योंकि सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने पहले ही इस मुद्दे पर सरकार को क्लीन चिट दे दी है और समीक्षा याचिका कोर्ट के समक्ष लंबित है, कैग की रिपोर्ट पहले से ही संसदीय स्थायी समिति के पास है और वर्तमान में कोई प्रतिकूल रिपोर्ट भी नहीं है। कांग्रेस और उसके सहयोगी ऐसे किसी भी सबूत को पेश करने में कामयाब नहीं हुए है जो इस पूरे सौदे में सरकार की भूमिका को संदेह के घेरे में लाते हो। राफेल सौदे से संबंधित सभी सवालों का जवाब संसद के पटल से दिया जा चुका है लेकिन कांग्रेस और उसके सहयोगी अभी भी इस मामले में झूठ बोलकर, जनता को गुमराह कर रहे है।

कांग्रेस के संदेहास्पद आचरण से स्पष्ट था कि 2012 में राफेल विमानो के चयन हो जाने के बाद भी नए लड़ाकू विमानो की आपूर्ति का कोई अनुबंध नहीं हो सका। हर एक दिन की देरी हमारी रक्षा तैयारियों और राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा से समझौता कर रही थी।

Friday, 22 March 2019

Congress and its Rafale delusion!


The conduct of Congress party in the whole affair of procurement of combat jets shows a complete disregard for national security and preference for private illicit enrichment over national interests. In all this din over the Rafale deal, it was almost forgotten that the Indian Airforce badly needed to bolster its squadron strength in view of the obsolescence of some categories of its fighter jets and that the in-principle approval for the procurement of 126 fighter jets was given way back in 2001. The dire straits of aging fleet were evident in the skirmishes that took place between Indian Air Force and Pakistan Air Force over LOC.

Congress President Rahul Gandhi’s attack on Rafale deal is based on lies and he has manufactured a lot of them in the last few months. He first alleged that there was no Indo-French secrecy clause in the Rafale deal. This was denied by the French President. He then went on to say that Narendra Modi pressurized Dassault to sub-contract to Anil Ambani. This was denied by Dassault Aviation. A fake audio tape was also attempted to be presented by Rahul Gandhi during the debate on Rafale in the Parliament and when he was asked to vouch for its authenticity, he withdrew it. In the latest addition to this list, Rahul Gandhi referred to his conversation with late Shri Manohar Parrikar, which apparently took place during his brief courtesy meeting with the ex-defence minister, while the fact is that no such conversation took place during that meeting.

Repeated attempts have been made to question the pricing.Details regarding pricing have been reported by almost every defence reporter long back. The MMRCA negotiation with Rafale talked of basic price of Rs. 550 crores plus inflation and exchange rate fluctuations. The adjusted price of a basic aircraft under the MMRCA would have been Rs. 737 crore whereas the price negotiated under the current deal is Rs. 650 crore, which is 9 percent cheaper. The defence ministry has time and again said that total cost and number of aircrafts is already in public domain but details of equipment and their prices are of confidential in nature and covered by the Indo-French security agreement of 2008. Disclosing details of arms and ammunition fitted to these fighter jets will defeat the purpose of high-end fighter planes.The government has also managed to negotiate a better maintenance and serviceability deal with Rafale.

The Congress is also misleading on the offset clause as the procurement under the offset clause is based on payment schedule and can be for any product covered under it and is not for Rafale spare parts alone. Solvency challenges of Anil Ambani group of companies makes him an easy target now and has been singled out from the offset partners of Dassault, which are 120 in number. I would like to remind that it was Congress led UPA government that had allowed Anil Ambani group to commercially sell coal from mines that were allotted to it under the Ultra Mega Power Project (UMPP) for captive use - this exception was made only for him at a time when the coal prices were going through the roof. Crony capitalism is in the DNA of Congress.

All the details pertaining to the Rafale deal were shared with the Supreme Court in a sealed cover. It was also informed that the CAG had been given access to all the files related to Rafale deal and the CAG report will be placed before the Parliamentary Committee. After going through the details of pricing and other terms and conditions, the Court had said that due process of procurement was followed and refused to order an investigation as sought by petitioners. Review petitions filed in the matter are likely to meet the same fate. Even the CAG report has given clean chit to the government.

Recently, a newspaper article, quoted details that are not even part of the official Rafale file. They were actually explanation notes on the matter after some media reported stories on Rafale. Moreover, there is question that why only 36 jets. The question is when did the government close the option for additional Rafales? The government is also questioned on the missed opportunity to make full use of the leverage provided by the new offer from the Eurofighter Consortium. The government has rightly said that entertaining the new offer at that stage was impermissible under the DPP and also a violation of CVC guidelines and would have further delayed the procurement.  

A lot of noise is also made about the deal being given go ahead by 4-3 decision. This dissent within the Indian Negotiating Team was answered by the Defence minister in the Parliament wherein she had said that in the highest traditions of the civil services, all views were aired and recorded and a collegiate decision taken after considering such opinions. Also all the decisions were also taken after due process of inter-ministerial consultations as per defence procurement process.

The biggest irony of Congress’ campaign on Rafale is the fact that an inter governmental agreement (IGA) is being compared to a tender process that did not materialize. One can insert a number of supposedly ‘favourable’ conditions in the tendering process the final outcome of which is subject to negotiations. Intransigence on these conditions can lead to a breakdown of the negotiations. To compare negotiable terms under such a ‘non-deal’ to an actual agreement is unreasonable in every manner. IGA also eliminated middlemen and commission agents that had become a bane of all defense procurements through open tendering process.

The Congress demand for joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to investigate the deal is not fair as the Supreme Court has already given clean chit andthe review petition is pending, CAG report is already with the Parliamentary Standing Committee and as such presently there are no adverse reports on evidences except unsubstantiated allegations that don’t add up.The Congress and its sympathizers have failed to come up with any proof that could implicate the government. Every question on the issue of Rafale deal has been answered from the floor of the Parliament. Congress and its cohorts are still repeating lies because its intent is to sow seeds of doubt in the minds of Indian public.

The greed of Congress had ensured that there was no contract for the supply of newer fighter jets even after Rafale was declared as L1. Every single day’s delay was compromising our defense preparedness and national security. So far as the so called scam of Congress is concerned, it can cry itself hoarse; Government, BJP and the people of India have much better things to do.

Wednesday, 6 March 2019

The ever skeptic opposition fails in its design

Latin philosopher René Descartes’ proposition I think therefore I am loosely means we cannot doubt our own existence but Indian politicians have started doubting anything and everything including valor of our armed forces just to give politics in India their own hue. I doubt therefore I exist seems to be the new normal for the opposition political parties in India in a situation when the country is under severe terror threat from across the border. It is dealing with the strategy of thousand cuts inflicted upon it by its neighbouring country in a proxy war. Our armed forces have been answering them without fail and with an unparalleled courage.

But the way opposition political parties are responding to the offensive of the armed forces against terrorists as if the very existence of Opposition block in the country will be in jeopardy if they don’t doubt it. Actually there is a motive and narrative behind it and the motive is to please minority vote bank. The opposition is working on this premise that by such action minority community will be pleased and vote for them even if they take such stand which is actually harming the interest of the country. So they doubt anything and everything done by the Bharatiya Janata Party government in the country. It appears that anything done by the BJP government even on issues related to security of the country must pass through the scrutiny of the Opposition. But the magnitude of the antagonism is such that it seems they are suffering from some disorder by repeating same thing again and again. On the contrary anything done by the so-called Opposition is self certificatory.

Let’s see where the Opposition political parties are in doubt. Opposition parties doubt the very claim of the government that it had hit the terrorist camp of Jaish e Mohammad led by Masood Azhar at Balakot in Pakistan in which it is expected that over 250 to 300 terrorists were neutralized. But Opposition parties including the principal opposition Congress demands from the government the exact number of terrorists killed in the attack to be given. Similarly the opposition parties doubted the first-ever surgical strike conducted by the Indian armed forces in which not only launch pad of terrorists was demolished but dozens of terrorists too were eliminated. But in this case also the opposition parties are demanding proof right from the time go.

They also doubt economic growth of the country, doubt the GDP numbers, number of beneficiaries of the government schemes, employment generated with schemes like Skill India, Start Ups, Stand Ups, MUDRA, Seekho and Kamao, schemes like USTAD and many more. As per the government records, these schemes have generated around 15 crore jobs but opposition behaving like a broken record of yesteryear and does not want to come out of the same very state of mind on every issue. It doubts electronic voting machine, it doubts Supreme Court, it doubts CAG, it doubts CBI, it selectively doubts the Supreme Court and it doubts Election Commission of India.

It questions Speaker of the Lok Sabha, it again selectively doubts Indian media but relies upon western media which in most of the cases parasite of India media. They doubt many other institutions of the country. But it works on certain pre-decided schemes like everything done by the BJP government will be doubted and attempt would be made to embarrass the government even on the issues related to the national security. So much so that even the nuclear test conducted by the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was doubted for its claim on the intensity of the explosion. They had doubted the government at the time of Kargil War.

There is a section that had gone to the extent of saying that Mumbai attack (26/11) was the handiwork of the RSS in which Azmal Kasab was caught red handed and later on hanged to death. A book also got published by an Urdu journalized which was released by none other than the Congress general secretary Digvijaya Singh. Lalu Yadav gave the theory that Godhara train was burnt by Karsevak themselves who were traveling inside. Former Union Home Minister Chidambaram asked for the exact number if it was 300 or 350. There is a long list of such questions being asked by the opposition and they work on the strategy shoot and scoot. But the strategy of opposition does not seem to working with the present dispensation at the Centre as there is no one to buy their perpetual doubting state of mind. The government has enough proofs to support its action from economic development to national security.

Tuesday, 29 January 2019

Why government must spend more


One does not need to go too far back in history to recollect the precarious situation of the Indian economy. When the current government took over in 2014, the declared fiscal deficit was at 4.5 per cent while the actual was estimated to be in the range of 5.5 per cent. The gap between these two figures was because the UPA government incurred off balance-sheet expenses like oil bonds (issued to the tune of Rs 1,42,202 crore and not reflected in government accounts), withheld income tax refunds and rolled over, to the next year, payments which would have ideally come in towards the end of financial year 2013-14. It was creative accounting at its best. Coupled with weakness on the external account, India was part of a group that was informally referred to as the “fragile five” — countries being the weakest links in the global economy.


The Modi government went about managing its financial affairs in a very prudent manner. Falling global oil prices were leveraged to generate better revenue for the government. Measures like demonetisation and the Goods and Services Tax (GST) were launched, establishing audit trail and ownership of money and simplification in indirect tax structure. Macroeconomic parameters like inflation and fiscal deficit have been contained, the current account deficit is manageable and foreign exchange reserves and GDP growth rates are inching higher. In doing so, the government has not sacrificed any essential expenditure. As per the publicly available data, the 2014-15 to 2018-19 period has seen the best combination of GDP growth rate (high) and inflation (low) than any other government in the history of independent India. Success on the macro-economic management front has been one of the biggest achievements of the Modi government and like many other achievements of this government, has been unduly ignored by the mainstream media. We are not only one of the fastest-growing economy, but also the sixth-largest economy in the world. PwC’s annual Global Economy Watch report projects India’s real GDP growth in 2019-20 at 7.6 per cent and accordingly, India is likely to surpass UK in 2019 rankings of world’s largest economies and occupy the fifth position.

The incumbent government is not chasing macro-economic parameters; you look for growth in the economy, hand-hold sectors that need support and do not chase parameters like a certain level of fiscal deficit. At the centre of all initiatives is the ordinary citizen of India and the goal is to ameliorate her condition of living. The target is to achieve a higher level of GDP growth and to make it as wide and participative as possible. In the roadmap for doing so, macroeconomic parameters are self-imposed road signs. These numbers are not sacrosanct. There may be times when we can justifiably ignore these limiting factors. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has said in unequivocal terms that the government would consider ground realities while making its economic policies.

Currently, agriculture and allied sectors are facing some challenges due to lack of sufficient demand for their output. The Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) sector is another segment that is facing headwinds due to lack of liquidity in the financial system and lack of demand. Increased demand brings in private investment and if there is resource constraint with the government, fiscal expansion is the way out.

The economy will grow only when there is sufficient demand. Government expenditure has increased tremendously in the last five years and sectors like steel and cement have benefited immensely. However, private consumption and investment demands need to increase further. For this there is scope for expansionary fiscal policies, particularly when inflation is low. Fiscal discipline during the last five years has been one of the best and has given the government the elbow room to boost expenditure. The government might consider measures like interest subvention on agricultural loans, direct cash transfer to farmers based on their landholdings, relaxation in income tax slabs for the lower-middle and the middle class and injection of liquidity in the financial sector to boost credit availability. These measures might put some upward pressure on inflation which might not be such a bad thing. Cash transfers to farmers are constrained by the lack of updated land records with the state governments and a way around it must be found. Such a transfer will boost demand for agricultural and non-agricultural products in the rural areas and help the agriculture and MSME sectors.

Governments and economies exist for the people and not the other way round. Accolades from foreign rating agencies and media cannot compensate for the suffering of the people and our government knows this very well.

Tuesday, 18 December 2018

Fruits of Focused Approach

 Fruits of Focused Approach

The Modi Government’s focus on promoting in ‘Ease of Doing Business’ is driven by the philosophy of ‘Minimum Government, Maximum Governance’

The Doing Business 2019 Report of the World Bank has ranked India at 77th position in terms of ‘Ease of Doing Business’ (EoDB), an improvement of 23 ranks over the last year. In the last two years, India has improved its rank by a massive 53 positions and looks set to storm into Top 50 by next year, a target the Modi Government set, when it came to power in 2014. This improvement is being made possible because the Government believes that Indian youth are full of entrepreneurial energy, which the economy and the country were failing to harness and something had to be done about it and therefore it invested its political capital and energy in it.

 Top 10 Most Reforming Economies

It is not only the improvement in ranking of EoDB, but India is amongst the top 10 most reforming economies. In fact, Djibouti and India are the only economies to make to the list of 10 top improvers for the second consecutive year. We have made significant achievement in ‘dealing with construction permits’ (184 to 52), ‘getting electricity’ (137 to 24), ‘trading across borders’ (126 to 80) and ‘resolving insolvency’ (137 to 108) from the year 2014 to 2018 respectively in these catagories. In fact, if we compare India’s ranking on the 10 parameters of EoDB for the year 2014 and 2018, we see we have improved on all the parameters except for ‘registering property’.

Concerted efforts have been made to eliminate the ‘Inspector Raj’ and simplify compliances further. Under the latest changes made by PM Narendra Modi for Micro Small & Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) under PSB-59 initiatives, factory inspections will be done only through a computerised random allotment and inspectors must upload their reports on the portal within 48 hours, giving reasons. MSMEs now are required to file one annual return for compliance for eight labour laws and 10 central rules. An Ordinance has also been promulgated to simplify levy of penalties for minor offences under the Companies Act, 2013 and in the coming session of the Parliament, the necessary amendment Act would be passed.

 Reaching the Unreached

There are a number of areas where India can still improve its ranking to join top 50 nations. The work is already under progress in these areas and the results would be visible in due course of time. At present, we are at 137 rank in ‘starting a business’, at 166 in ‘registering property’, 163 in ‘enforcing contracts’ and so on. Proactive measures are being taken in these areas. For example, with an objective to have a faster resolution of matters relating to commercial disputes and to create a positive image about the independent and responsive Indian legal system, the Commercial Courts, Commercial Division and Commercial Appellate Division of High Courts Act was enacted in 2015 and commercial courts are being established. Even Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code whose effect is captured in ‘Resolving insolvency’ and GST whose effect is captured under paying of taxes etc, are in progress and will affect the ranking positively in the coming years. Some of reform measures like registration of property can only be addressed at the State level and the states are being encouraged by the Centre to do the same.

A concern has been expressed that the rankings capture only the improvements made in the cities of Delhi and Mumbai and ignores the rest of the country; this is a limitation of this ranking. But the Government’s focus is not limited to improving the headline grabbing EoDB ranking.

Effective Delivery of Services

Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion (DIPP) in collaboration with the World Bank launched an annual reform exercise for all States and UTs under the Business Reform Action Plan (BRAP). The aim of this exercise is to improve delivery of various Central Government regulatory functions and services in an efficient and transparent manner. The reform plan under BRAP expanded from 285 to 372 action points in 2017 and further to 405 points in 2018. States and UTs have conducted reforms to ease their regulations and systems in areas such as labour, environmental clearances, single window system, construction permits, contract enforcement, registering property and inspections. The focus on ‘EoDB’ has spawned off a culture where the states are competing with one another in the ease of doing business to attract investment to their states.

Improving Ease of Living

The reforms being undertaken also feeds into the manufacturing sector focus of the Government and is therefore not limited to the parameters that go into determining the EoDB ranking. For example, compliance with labour laws do not figure in the EoDB parameters but the Government has still initiated a number of reforms to encourage the manufacturing sector. Under Ease of Compliance, Government has pruned the number of registers mandatory for all establishments to maintain under 9 Central Acts to just 5 from 56, and the relevant data fields to 144 from 933. Prime Minister has repeatedly said that he is focused on improving the ‘Ease of Living’ of Indian citizens and EoDB forms a small part of it. The larger goal is to create an ecosystem of transparent level playing field so that entrepreneurs have peace of mind and focus on business development instead of managing government department. Such an environment will also promote entrepreneurship.