Saturday 15 September 2018

The Economy Deplomacy Is a Key To Enhancing Nepal - India Relation

     The Economy Diplomacy Is a Key To Enhancing Nepal - India                                               Relation

Gopal Krishna Agrawal is the National Spokesperson on Economic Affairs for ruling Bhartiya Janata Party of India. How does he see Nepal-India economic relations? How can this relations be enhanced? Mahavir Paudyal and Kosh Raj Koirala spoke to him on Nepal-India economic ties and other aspects of bilateral relations while he was in Kathmandu last week.


How do you see the current status of Nepal-India relations?
We are working on making Nepal-India relations much better than what it is today. Nepal is very important country for India’s international relations. This is why Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Nepal right after assuming office in 2014. We find so many common issues with regard to economy between Nepal and India. Thus we can have a very good business and economic relations. Economic relations are much important for these countries because economic relations are becoming more important between and among the countries across the whole world. Economic issues can be more easily identified and they are as easier to resolve because they are based on give and take and mutual benefits. There will be few contentions in business relations than would be with political relations. You say so but Nepal has had huge trade deficit with India. 

I was recently speaking on foreign direct investment issue here in Nepal. Across the world, every country is looking to attract more FDI.  FDI is one of the criteria which decide what will be the future of country’s economy. It is important for capital formation and building of infrastructures. India has been successful in attracting huge FDI over the last few years. We have been able to get 62 billion dollars of FDI, which is the highest FDI across the world.  But a country cannot raise FDI rate simply by asking others to come and invest. Most of such investments come from the private sector. And private investment comes to those places where you have strong regulatory bodies.  They look into which regulatory set ups are there that can come to their aid when something goes wrong with business. Foreigners are ready to invest in India because we have strong and autonomous set ups in many of the fields such as banking, capital market, insurance, telecommunications etc. For each of these sectors, we have a separate regulatory body to boost the confidence of the investors. 

Thus the more you build autonomous and independent regulatory institutions the more it will raise confidence of foreign investors. And the more you will be able to attract FDI. I think this applies to Nepal as much it does to India. 

The importance of FDI is obvious but how can Nepal reduce trade deficit with India?
One of the ways would be if the two countries maintain relations with industrialists with both sides, instead of focusing on only government-to-government relations.  It’s better for Nepal and India to organize bilateral economic conclaves at a reasonable frequency so that they can discuss issues and find solutions.  Private sector bodies of Nepal can have direct contact with Indian investors through Indian business organizations.  If they talk with each other directly, many things can be settled. The government of Nepal can also communicate their policies directly with the Indian industrialists. If Nepal establishes direct contact with Indian industrialists, it would know their concerns and also find out the factors that have hindered investment in Nepal.  The government will also come to know directly what their concerns are and how those concerns can be addressed. Equally important is to incentivize the investment.  Creating Special Economic Zones, cluster development models, integrated supply chain models with global suppliers etc are some incentivizing factors.  They have done a lot for India. Such ideas might be as useful for Nepal.  

Many Indian investors are willing to invest in Nepal. Nepal has a lot of hydro potentials. After the success of Arun III more companies are interested to come to Nepal and invest.  Indian companies are also interested to invest in tourism, education and many other sectors. Private education industrialists can set up their institutions in Nepal.   If two countries have good business relations it will directly contribute to minimizing tensions, if any, on diplomatic and political fronts.  Economic diplomacy can become a key tool in further enhancing Nepal-India relations.  This is what is happening globally. Leaders across the globe are now more focused on economic issues. Through economic cooperation and considerations it is easier to build better diplomatic relations.

The demonetization drive was criticized by some sections at one time. How has it helped Indian economy? 
You cannot look into any initiative in isolation.  When our party took over, there was a problem with regard to tax compliance and large part of business transaction was not being channeled through financial institution mechanism.  There was a need to push transaction through digital banking. We had to establish the audit trail of business transactions. And there was a need for identifying the concerns of liquidity and the issue of shifting the informal sector into formal sector. Several other steps together with demonetization helped into creating an ecosystem whereby we are moving informal sector into formal sector.  The GST could not have been as successful if we had not made concerted efforts to moving towards digital economy and digital banking. Cumulatively, demonetization has created an ecosystem that has greatly helped minimize corruption. We have been able to establish audit trail of all transactions.  The government has deregistered around four hundred thousand companies found in money laundering. Because of these steps, we now have more transparent and corruption-free eco system and it’s easier to do business in India. Most of all, tax compliance has increased, thanks to audit trail.  

Demonetization has affected a lot of Nepalis. The government of India has refused to exchange Indian currency possessed by many Nepalis.
I think this is for Reserve Bank of India to decide. Central banks of Nepal and India should work to resolve issues related to Indian currency in Nepal.  

One of economic issues in India at the moment is depreciation of Indian rupees against US dollars. This might have direct bearing on Nepali economy for our currency is pegged with Indian currency.
Rise of petroleum price and depreciation of Indian rupees against dollars are two issues facing us at the moment. There are global factors behind it. This could have been addressed by direct intervention by the central bank but the government has decided it is not yet time for intervention for domestically we are in better situation. Our GDP grew by more than 8.2 percent.  Inflation is well under control. It is 3.6 percent at the moment. Our foreign exchange reserve is more than 24 billion dollars, which is very healthy. Our current account deficit is well within the limit.  And we are getting a lot of FDI. Depreciation is largely driven by external factors. Our domestic factors do not require us to act for immediate strong measures. 

Exporting ginger to India from Nepal has rarely been a hassle-free undertaking. Now and then Nepal-bound containers are held up in Kolkata port. 
You should not take one or two sporadic incidents and make a judgment. The intention of the Indian government is very clear.  Our focus is on smooth trade between the two countries and establishing even better connectivity for this.  We are developing connectivity infrastructures including with Nepal to enhance trade relations.  India has put BBIN in priority for the same purpose.   The government is open to resolving all kinds of issues. Media reports sometimes create completely different perceptions. We need to read them critically. We have good trade relations even with countries with which India does not have so special relations.  We have special relations with Nepal.  There is no reason why we cannot have smooth trade with the neighbor with which we have a special relations. 

One of the persistent concerns of your party has been regarding Hinduism in Nepal. One of the former Nepali prime ministers recently said India imposed blockade on Nepal in 2015 because Nepali leaders failed to address India’s concern related to Hindu state. 
I think it is unwise to link what you call blockade with Hindu concern. Indian government has consistently denied blockade. Yes, India showed some concern for people of Tarai but at the same time India has always maintained that it’s up to Nepal to do whatever is best for Nepal.  The opinions of general people should not be equated with opinions of the government.  As for Hindu state, we had always appreciated Nepal as a Hindu state because over 85 percent of Nepalis are Hindus.  India is also a Hindu dominated country. So there have always been positive sentiments among Indians regarding Hindu state status of Nepal.  But that too, like I said, is the public opinion.  India is a secular country. We cannot say what should be the status of Hindu religion in Nepal. It’s for Nepal to decide.  The government does not have any position on this.  What individual leaders say are individual opinions. They should be understood as such.

Tuesday 11 September 2018

Fuel Price Crisis: Issues Behind Petroleum Rates Explained in 7 Points; Lowering Dependency On Oil a long Drawn

 Fuel Price Crisis: Issues Behind Petroleum Rates Explained in 7 Points; Lowering Dependency On Oil a long Drawn

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal, 


It is evident than in order to reduce our dependence on imported oil, we need to generate more energy from coal and lignite, which we have in abundance and also focus on electricity generation from hydro and other renewable sources.

India imported 256.32 million metric tones of crude oil and petroleum products in 2017-18 and paid Rs. 6, 52, 896 lakh crore. The import dependence of India in the case of crude oil is over 80 percent.

What is the benchmark crude price for India and how is it determined?

The Indian basket of crude oil represents a derived basket comprising of Sour grade (Oman & Dubai average) and Sweet grade (Brent Dated) of crude oil processed in Indian refineries in the ratio of 72.38:27.62 during 2016-17. The price of Indian crude oil basket was $106.85 per barrel (1 barrel=159 litres) in May, 2014. It fell down to $39.88 per barrel in April 2016 and has gradually increased since then and is around $78 per barrel.

What is the tax structure on petrol and diesel?

On 3rd September, 2018, the price build-up for Diesel and Petrol in Delhi was as follows

Every dollar increase in the international price of crude oil increases the cost of petrol and diesel in India by Rs. 0.50/ litre and a fall in the exchange rate of the Indian rupee against US dollar increase the cost of petrol and diesel in India by Rs. 0.65/ litre.

What is the revenue generated by taxes on petroleum products?

The contribution to central and state exchequer by the petroleum section in the last few years is as follows:

42 percent of the Basic Excise Duty collection at the Centre is given to state governments for infrastructure and welfare programs and 60 percent of the balance 58 percent of the Basic Excise Duty collection is spent on Centrally Sponsored Welfare Schemes in the States i.e. total amount transferred to States is (42+34.8)= 76.8 percent.

Every one rupee reduction in central duty leads to a loss on about Rs 14000/= crores to the central exchequer.

How does the picture of under-recovery in the oil and natural gas sector look like?

Under Administered Price Mechanism (APM) earlier Petrol /diesel prices were not market linked and prices were being modulated, the steep increase in international prices of oil used to exert severe pressure on the oil marketing companies (OMCs). The retail prices of these commodities were kept below the cost resulting in large under-recoveries for OMCs.


From the year 2004-05 to 2013-14, the total under-recoveries was Rs. 8,53,628 crores.

Why oil bonds issued and what were is their current status?

During the period of 2004-08 when the international crude prices were increasing rapidly, the government started subsidizing petroleum products proved grossly insufficient but since the fiscal position of the government was already precarious, it could not increase the subsidy to this sector. The government resorted to the issuance of ‘oil bonds’ to the OMCs. These interest-bearing bonds were not even reflected on the balance sheet by the UPA government, resulting in artificial measurement of the burgeoning fiscal deficit.

Between 2005-06 and 2009-10, oil bonds worth Rs. 1,42,202 crore were issued by the government with the rate of interest on them ranging from 7.33 percent to 8.4 percent per annum repayable up to 2024-25 by successive governments. Oil companies have either sold these bonds or used them as collateral to raise cash. OMCs have sold oil bonds worth Rs 1,24,536 crore and had to bear a loss of around Rs 5,000 crore in selling of these bonds at a discounted rate because the bond market did not have much appetite for these bonds. Till date the government has repaid around Rs. 70,000 crore to the holders of these bonds and out of this amount, only Rs. 10,000 crore (approx) has gone into the repayment of the principal component and the rest towards the interest obligation. Thus the outstanding principal amount on these bonds is Rs. 1,30,000 crore. Most of these bonds will be matured by 2024-25

How crucial are petroleum products in our energy mix?

In the year 2015-16, the source wise share in consumption of energy was as follows:


How can India reduce its dependence on crude oil?

Petroleum products are important because one cannot readily switch between them and other sources of energy. To make our economy less dependent on oil would be a long drawn process, which can be accelerated by conducive government policies. Modi government is working on this long-term solution.

 It is evident than in order to reduce our dependence on imported oil, we need to generate more energy from coal and lignite, which we have in abundance and also focus on electricity generation from hydro and other renewable sources like wind and solar. Since the government is focused on having 1 GWh of installed solar capacity by 2022, we will see an increase in its share in the source wise energy share in the coming years.









Saturday 8 September 2018

Why Renewable energy is so vital for India

 Petroleum prices have always been a contentious issue in India. Historically, political expediency overrode economic considerations. The central government has some compelling reasons not to interfere with market forces, which are currently being affected by global factors.

 India imported 256.32 million metric tonnes of crude oil and petroleum products in 2017-18, for which it paid Rs 6.53 trillion. India's import dependence in crude oil is over 80 per cent. The Indian basket of crude oil represents a derived basket comprising of sour grade (Oman and Dubai average) and sweet grade (Brent dated) of crude oil processed in Indian refineries in the ratio of 72:28 in 2016-17. The price of the Indian crude oil basket was $106.85 per barrel (1 barrel = 159 litres) in May 2014. It declined to $39.88 per barrel in April 2016, and has gradually increased since then and is around $78 per barrel now.
 
It is important that we look into the tax structure and petroleum prices. On September 3, 2018, the prices of diesel and petrol in New Delhi were Rs 71.15 and Rs 79.15 respectively (rounded off). With every one-dollar increase in the international price of crude oil, the cost of petrol and diesel in India increases by Rs 0.50 per litre, while a fall in the exchange rate of the rupee against the US dollar increases the cost of petrol and diesel by Rs 0.65 per litre.
 
The revenue generated by taxes on petroleum products is vital for both central as well as state governments — the total contribution to the central and state exchequer was Rs 4.93 trillion in 2017-18.    
 
It is important to remember that 42 per cent of the basic excise duty collection at the Centre is given to state governments for infrastructure and welfare programmes and 60 per cent of the remaining 58 per cent is spent on centrally sponsored welfare schemes in the states. The total amount transferred to the states is thus 76.8 per cent (42+34.8). Every one-rupee reduction in central duty leads to a loss of about Rs 140 billion to the central exchequer.
 
Earlier, under the Administered Price Mechanism (APM), when petrol and diesel prices were not market-linked and prices were being modulated, the steep increase in international prices of oil exerted severe pressure on the oil marketing companies (OMCs). The retail prices of these commodities were kept below cost, resulting in large under-recoveries for OMCs. Between 2004-05 and 2013-14, total under-recoveries amounted to Rs 8.53 trillion and there were significant subsidies.
 
Subsidies for these under recoveries during the period 2004-08, when international crude prices were increasing rapidly, proved grossly insufficient. Since the fiscal position of the government was already precarious, it could not increase the subsidy to this sector. The UPA government then resorted to issuance of “oil bonds” to the OMCs. These interest-bearing oil bonds were not even reflected in the balance sheet of the UPA Government, resulting in artificial measurement of the burgeoning fiscal deficit.
 Between 2005-06 and 2009-10, oil bonds worth Rs 1.42 trillion were issued by the government, with a rate of interest ranging from 7.33 per cent to 8.4 per cent per annum, repayable up to 2024-25 by successive governments. Oil companies have either sold these bonds or used them as collateral to raise cash. OMCs have sold oil bonds worth Rs 1.25 trillion and had to bear a loss of around Rs 50 billion in selling these bonds at discounted rates, because the bond market did not have much appetite for these bonds.
 
So far the government has repaid around Rs 700 billion to the holders of these bonds. Of this amount, only about Rs 100 billion has gone into repayment of the principal component and the rest towards the interest obligation. The outstanding principal amount on these bonds is thus Rs 1.3 trillion. Most of these bonds will mature by 2024-25, imposing a heavy burden on current as well future governments.
 
An important part of the solution to the problem will have to be a focus on alternative energy sources. In 2015-16, coal and lignite accounted for 46.28 per cent of India’s energy consumption; crude petroleum for 34.48 per cent; electricity from hydro, nuclear and other renewable sources of energy for 12.75 per cent; and natural gas for 6.49 per cent.
 
Therefore the policy of the NDA government is to move towards renewable sources of energy. But one cannot readily switch between them and other sources of energy. To make our economy less dependent on oil will be a long-drawn-out process, which can be accelerated by supportive government policies. The Modi government is working on this long-term solution.
 
It is evident than in order to reduce our dependence on imported oil, we need to generate more energy from coal and lignite, which we have in abundance, and also focus on electricity generation from hydro and other renewable sources such as wind and solar. Since the government is focussed on having one GWh of installed solar capacity by 2022, we will see an increase in its share in the source-wise energy consumption in the years ahead. Until then economic prudence should override political expediency.