E-Shram Portal: an effort for the welfare of marginalized workers

Introduction

E-Shram portal is a data base for unorganized sector workers developed by Ministry of labour and employment (MOLE) which is linked with Aadhar. Unorganized workers receive an e-Shram card/id on digital form after registration at the portal. They also can update their profiles through portal or mobile app. This app will help in creating awareness about various welfare programmes and entitlements for the workers in the unorganized sector.

Although registration was recommended by the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector (NCEUS) and made mandatory by Unorganized Workers’ Social Welfare Act 12 years ago, thanks to Narendra Modi Govt’s recent initiatives that the e-Shram portal has been actively to target in the unorganized sector workers. In May 2021 the Supreme Court also issued a ruling for introducing a temporary, comprehensive and universal registration system for informal workers and rotating migrants. In fact, both informal worker and rotating migrants are alternatively known as unorganized sector workers.

As per Periodic Labour Force Survey PLFS (2018-19), nearly 88 per cent of workers are engaged in the unorganized sector while it contributes nearly 52 per cent to our GDP. On the contrary, the organized sector contributes nearly 48 per cent to the GDP while it employs hardly 12 per cent of the entire workforce. This indicates the glaring in equality in the distribution of income. So far it has been impossible to provide any timely relief, forget about providing social security because it is difficult to exactly identify the large number of invisible unorganized sector workers. The NSSO survey which are conducted at different points of time, do not adequately capture their extent and magnitude. E-Sharm Portal is a right step in this direction. 

The Benefits for the Registered Workers

The Universal Account Number on e-Shram card will be acceptable all over the country for obtaining social security benefits such as insurance coverage, maternity benefits, pensions, educational benefits, provident fund benefits, housing schemes etc. For the social security benefits the workers need to add the details of their identification like, name, occupation, address, education qualifications, skill, etc. on the portal. Also, through e-Shram card, the migrant workers can take admission for their children in the nearby school, which is one of the major problems, they are facing now. The e-Shram id will be used as their identity card. Further, the beneficiaries will get benefit Rs 2 lakh on death or permanent disability and Rs. 1 lakh for partial disability under the Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY).

The Progress

The e-Shram portal has been made available to states/UTs to register all eligible workers in the unorganized sector including construction workers, migrant workers, gig and platform workers, street vendors, domestic workers, agriculture workers, milkmen, fishermen, truck drivers etc. The eligible workers can register through, over four lakh Common Service Centres (CSCs), which act as access points for delivery of digital services. As on 30^th December 2021, the portal has registered around 162 million workers, 67% which are from five states: Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand. These are the major states as far as the number of registrations on E-Shram portal is concerned (see Fig-1).

Figure 1: Share of Major States (in %) in total registration on E-Shram Portall

As shown in Figure-1, these five states account for around seventy per cent of total registration. From which Uttar Pradesh has the highest enrollment, followed by west Bengal, Odisha and Jharkhand.

The portal also collects data of unorganized workers with regards to their occupations. As we know, occupational structure in Indian economy depends upon three different sectors viz., agriculture (primary) industry (secondary) and services (tertiary). In E- shram portal shows that 62 percent of people have enrolled in the primary sector which is higher than the other sectors. Agriculture and construction sectors engage the maximum number of workers in the unorganized sector. The relative distribution of various occupations among the registered workers is shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Percentage Distribution of registered workers by major occupations

Apart from agriculture and construction, many more have registered in this portal from different occupations like, domestic and household workers, apparel sector workers, automobile and transport sector workers, electronics and hardware workers, capital goods workers, education, healthcare, retail, tourism and hospitality, food industry. Besides occupation, the portal also collects data on the gender of the workers. Given the number of registration so far, the distribution by gender is presented in figure 3.

Figure 3: Registration of workers by gender (in %)

As shown in figure 3, gender-wise analysis of e-Shram portal registrations shows that more females have registered than the males. For the females it is around 52 per cent while the rest 48 per cent comprise of male workers. Certainly, higher registration of female workers is surprising given their lower participation in labour force. Further the e-Shram portal data suggested that around 94 per cent of workers registered earn an income of Rs. 10,000 or below, per month. Also, the collected data reveals that a large number of workers are young i.e. around 61 per cent of registered workers belong to 18-40 age group. Moreover, the portal also records the migration status. However, the information getting collected is highly inadequate to draw any concrete inference about the status of migrant workers.

Conclusion

The portal is part of digitization process that has assumed a crucial part in prospering the Indian economy. The “make in India” drive has given a gigantic push to digitalization of India, with the help of digital technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML), remote sensing, big data, block chain and IoT. Thus, the e-Shram portal: the exceptional drive is a much-needed development as it will bring unorganised laborer’s data under one umbrella which will help the Govt. to address their concerns.

National Logistics Policy must include components on Green Hydrogen Economy

   National Logistics Policy must include components on Green         Hydrogen Economy

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal,

Honorable Prime Minister Narendra Modi has taken it upon himself to be a global leader in climate change challenges and is committed to the cause of renewable energy. This shows that there is will power at the top leadership level for achieving these goals. Because of this commitment, after COP21, India has taken some bold steps in meeting emission norms. Consequently, after the Paris Climate Change Summit, India’s emissions have reduced by 28% from their levels in 2005, according to a report. We are almost on the verge of achieving the target of reducing emissions by 30% by 2030.

A major noteworthy measure taken by India is to set up the International Solar Alliance, with its head office in India, along with France. Another initiative taken by India to meet its green energy commitments is to obtain 80-85% of its electricity demand through renewable sources by 2050. India is also committed to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, incorporating all the 17 goals into the government policies. Recently, India has achieved the target of 40% power generation capacity based on non-fossil sources.

Green hydrogen economy: The baton of a zero-carbon future

Coal’s share in India’s energy mix constitutes over 44% while oil contributes to around 25%. The share of bio-energy and CNG is 21% & 5.8% respectively, while that of nuclear & solar energy is critically low. Being a fossil fuel, coal is a recipe for a climate hazard. On the other hand, oil prices in the country are skyrocketing, and imported oil is inflating India’s import bill. As India treads farther on the road to industrialization, its per capita energy consumption will grow from 30% currently, which is lower than the world average consumption, to almost double in 2040. This is attributed to the fact that India has now displaced US to become the second most attractive destination for setting up manufacturing industries globally.

Though there are certain concerns about large hydro projects, India has a huge potential in it. Similarly, small hydro projects can be important initiatives, although they are nearly non-existent at present. But at the same time, India now has the world’s fifth-largest solar power and fourth-largest wind energy capacities. This energy can be used to produce green hydrogen, a zero carbon emission fuel, and it will be a big game changer for the whole energy sector.

Hydrogen is a big source of energy, and though there are several challenges at present and India is not a big player in this field, the direction in which private investments and the government are moving can reap big rewards for the country. It will help in energy security, decarburization, and meeting the target for reduced carbon emissions. It is estimated that a transition towards hydrogen energy, which can become the most important component on the renewable energy side, will entail an investment of more than US$ 500 billion in the near future.

Many private companies like Reliance, Adani Power, Tata Power and Mittal Power and even some of the government companies in the energy sector, like NTPC, have set up big targets and there is an expected investment commitment of US$ 316 billion by 2030. If government policies are supportive, and challenges pertaining to the implementation of hydrogen energy are met, India can become a big player in this field.

Creating a conducive ecosystem for a green hydrogen economy

At present, cost is a big challenge for hydrogen technology. There is also a big competition on the solar energy side from China. A major challenge that can be found from the private sector is high interest costs. Though the government is continuously reducing interest costs, more sources of energy and funding are needed for this to happen. If new and improved technology is brought along with innovation and research, production challenges can be met. 

Recognizing the challenges and finding solutions is also something the government is working on. It is now coming up with new industrial and logistics policies to address concerns like transportation and availability of raw materials, among others. There is also a focus on building manufacturing bases in India. Under Aatma Nirbhar Bharat, the government has also committed Rs 90,000 crore on upgradation of the power sector, tackling issues of grid reforms, improvement in transmission and improvement in discoms.

Private players as well as the government agree that hydrogen and silicon are novel fields that can generate a lot of wealth for the country. Around Rs 1,500 crore has been committed by the government for setting up this National Hydrogen Mission. Various policies are being implemented and roadmaps are being set up. Ultimately when the objective is clear and there is commitment of the highest level for clean and green energy, India will surely be able to achieve its targets.

The Government is coming out with new National Logistics Policy; it must address issues pertaining to integrated logistics hubs, hydrogen storage, transportation, warehousing, and ports. Similarly, internalizing the environmental cost on the corporate sector’s balance sheet will help in proper project evaluation for the government and also bring better presentation. So, the recording of these environmental initiatives in the balance sheet and internalizing cost is another important issue, where more research and development can take place. Finance accounting professionals, such as from Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI) can take this initiative. More sources of low cost funding are must to propel a robust hydrogen economy in the country and the government is taking steps towards that.

Govt's Prudent Economic Policies Made India Better Placed To Deal With Pandemic Crisis; BJP

 Govt's Prudent Economic Policies Made India Better Placed To                             Deal With Pandemic Crisis; BJP

    By Gopal Krishna Agarwal

The BJP on Thursday said India is better placed than many other countries to deal with the economic fallout of the Covid pandemic due to the Narendra Modi government's prudent policies and criticized several opposition-ruled state governments for not slashing Value Added Tax on petrol and diesel after the Centre reduced the excise duty.

BJP spokesperson Gopal Krishna Agarwal said the cut in petrol and diesel prices by the Centre and several states, mostly ruled by the BJP-led NDA, will hand over Rs 88,000 crore in the hands of consumers as the central government works to boost demand and noted that nine states - Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, Delhi and Kerala - have not reduced VAT
He said unlike many countries India did not resort to uncontrolled fiscal deficit financing which has made it much better placed to deal with inflationary pressure being felt across the world, including in the US and Europe.

The Modi government resorted to staggered fiscal stimulus and gave sector-specific packages while helping the most vulnerable people with direct benefit transfer, he said.

Alleging the the UPA rule during 2004-14 was a lost decade economically for India.

What Should We Opt For - Private Currencies Or Central Bank- Promoted Digital Currencies?

 What Should We opt For - Private Currencies Or Central Bank- Promoted Digital Currencies?

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal,

Crypto currencies have generated a lot of debate because of their storage value and being used as an asset class. It is a borderline case where it is not illegal to hold crypto currencies, but
but there is a lot of anxiety that the Government is contemplating banning them. Reserve Bank of India has shown its reservation on the use of crypto currencies. The Supreme Court has not taken any position as such other than asking the Government to draft laws and make its stand clear on the regulatory side.

According to recent media reports, there are about 8 million investors in India, holding investments of $ 1.4 billion in various crypto currencies. Several exchanges across India deal in these currencies, facilitating trading, settlement, and promoting crypto currencies. The whole ecosystem is operating in an unregulated regime, neither being illegal with markets ripe with speculations that the Government is ready to ban them at any point of time in the near future. The investors and the intermediaries operate in an uncertain environment and live in anxiety, leading to hyper speculation...

The basic purpose of currencies/money is to facilitate transactions and help in exchange for value. But currently, crypto currencies are not being used as a medium of exchange or for transactions but are seen as an asset class having storage value. This is because of the regulatory gaps at present. Recent developments show that the time has come to fill up this gap as soon as possible.

In 2019, the Government came out with a bill banning crypto currencies, but the Bill did not see the light of the day and got lapsed, leading to further uncertainty and lack of clarity on the subject.

The draft bill in 2019 banning crypto currencies recommended jail term up to 10 years and huge financial penalties on people who mine, generate, hold, sell, transfer, dispose of, issue or deal in crypto currencies.
RBI also came out with a circular on April 6, 2018, forbidding banks from entertaining customers having exposure and dealing in crypto currencies.... This circular was quashed by Supreme Court in its judgment on Internet and Mobile Association of India verses RBI on March 4, 2020, citing, lack of legislation and laws on these currencies, noting that in the absence of any legislation, the RBI cannot impose disproportionate restrictions, like banning buying and selling of crypto currencies. The RBI then officially withdrew the said circular .
while cautioning banks to deal with any kind of exposure with these currencies....

Finance Minister Smt. Nirmala Sitharaman when asked a question on the government stand on the status of crypto currencies, said that “I can only give you this clue that, we are not closing our minds, we are looking at ways in which experiments can happen in the digital world and crypto currencies”, she further added that, “there will be calibrated position taken”.

The Government’s initial plan was to ban private crypto assets while promoting block chain – a secure database technology that can revolutionize international transactions and are the backbone of virtual currencies. Digital currencies across the world are making inroads into financial transactions because of their ease and secured nature. But global central banks, including RBI, vary illegal money getting into the system. with no central bank’s control on financial flows due to lack of one central entity and use of decentralized distributed ledger technology (DLT).

The backbone of crypto currencies is the block chain technologies with distributed ledger technology. The use of distributed ledger technology, which is efficient, secured and is less prone to frauds.
The decentralized database leads to more and more disintermediation, which is cost-effective.

IBC And GST To Farm Laws And NEP, Narendra Modi Is Reformist Prime Minister

 IBC And GST To Farm Laws And NEP, Narendra Modi Is           Reformist Prime Minister

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal,

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 20 years in public life. In the last two decades, from being a hard-working chief minister, he has gone on to become a towering global personality. He has become the longest-serving head of an elected government, fourth longest-serving Prime Minister and the longest serving non-Congress Prime Minister of India. During 2001 to 2014, he served 4,607 days as the chief minister of Gujarat. He was elected as the 14th Prime Minister of the country in 2014 and since then he has been in office. He enjoys mass appeal like no other leader, neither in the party nor in the country.

When he took the baton of Gujarat in 2001, the state was ruined by a devastating earthquake and then struggling with economic disruption due to communal violence in 2002. To revive the state, he conceptualized and held a state-level conclave ‘Vibrant Gujarat Global Investors Summit’ (VGGIS) in 2003 to attract investment and to build investors’ confidence. The result of the efforts made by him was that Gujarat registered an impressive double digit growth during 2004-05 to 2011-12. The growth rate peaked at 15 per cent in 2005-06. According to IBEF, Gujarat is one of the high growth states and a leading industrialized state in the country. It is estimated that Gujarat’s GDP will grow by 7 per cent YoY and will reach at Rs 18.80 lakh crore in FY22.

The Gujarat development model has always been a subject of discussion. The Gujarat model made such a splash in the 2014 General Election to the Lok Sabha that it pushed Modi to the pinnacle of power. As in Gujarat, Modi found the Indian economy too in a dilapidated condition. In 2014, our economy was bracketed with the worst performing economies. The economy was going through challenging times that culminated in lower than 5 per cent growth of GDP at factor cost at constant prices for two consecutive fiscals – FY13 and FY14. Wholesale price index inflation in food articles that averaged 12.2 per cent annually during 2008-09 to 2013-14 was significantly higher than non-food inflation.

Ensuring Water For The Marginalised - II

                   Ensuring Water For The Marginalized - II

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal,

The judicial approach to water rights regime in India clearly showcases the urge of the Supreme Court and various high courts to shelter the right to water, thereby, providing basic amenities of life to the poorest of poor. The constitutional right to access to clean drinking water can be drawn from the right to food, the right to clean environment and the right to health, all of which have been protected under the broad rubric of the right to life guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution.

In addition to Article 21, Article 39(b) of the Directive Principles of State Policy, recognizes the principle of equal access to the material resources of the community.

The right to groundwater in India is seen as following the right to land. The Indian Easements Act, 1882, links groundwater ownership to land ownership and this legal position has remained intact since then. The definition of the right suggests that if your neighbor extracts too much water and lowers the water table, you have the right to prevent him from doing so. Thus, there are limits to an individual’s right to exploit groundwater.

In the international scenario, through Resolution 64/292, on July 28, 2010, the UN General Assembly explicitly recognized the human right to water and sanitation, and acknowledged that clean drinking water and sanitation are essential to the realization of all human rights. The Resolution calls upon states and international organizations to provide financial resources, capacity-building and technology transfer to help countries, in particular developing countries, to provide safe, clean, accessible and affordable drinking water and sanitation for all.

The scope of water rights and laws in India have been widened and a positive approach has been adopted by the Indian judiciary, reflecting the international norms and standards. The National Commission that reviewed the Indian Constitution, recommended in its report, the inclusion of a new right in the form of right to safe drinking water to avoid ambiguity and also to bring clarity by constitutional provision. A legislation clearly framing the rights and duties of various government and institution for provisioning of water is the need of the hour.

The National water framework law 2016 was a step in the right direction, but unfortunately it lapsed in Parliament and could not see the light of the day.

Is The Global Pharma Industry Unhappy With India's Policies?

 Is The Global Pharma Industry Unhappy With India's Policies?

By Gopal Krishna Agarwal

The world-class Indian vaccine, with several vaccine manufacturers and an open licence, is attractive for several countries, particularly in the developing world. Indian pharma industry will gain immensely and our country will stand out as a nation helping at the time of need. But dominant global pharma companies stand to lose billions of dollars in profits due to the policies followed and stand taken by the Modi government and this is a strong enough reason for them to be unhappy.

The Drugs Controller General of India, on January 3, granted restricted emergency use authorisation (EUA) for two Covid-19 vaccines — Bharat Biotech’s Covaxin and Serum Institute of India’s Covishield. Covaxin, developed by the Indian Council of Medical Research and National Institute of Virology in collaboration with Bharat Biotech, is India’s first indigenous vaccine against Covid-19. Covaxin has now received EUA from a range of countries and is in the process of obtaining it in 60 other countries. This is an important step by the scientific community to fulfill our dream of Aatmanirbhar Bharat.

But the real battle on vaccines had begun earlier, when the original proposal submitted by India and South Africa to the TRIPS Council on October 2 emphasised the need for World Trade Organization (WTO) members to work together to ensure that intellectual property rights (IPR) “such as patents, industrial designs, copyright and protection of undisclosed information” do not create barriers to timely access to affordable medical products. A patent waiver would allow any company with the required capacity to start manufacturing the shot, even without an agreement with the original developer.        

However, international developers of Covid-19 vaccines such as AstraZeneca, Pfizer and Johnson & Johnson opposed any waiver for their doses, claiming they were capable of producing adequate jabs to meet global demand.

Pharmaceutical companies have reported sharp profit gains during the crisis. The industry’s biggest lobby group warned that this unprecedented step would undermine the response of companies and compromise safety. India then revised its proposal, to state that patent protections for vaccines be waived for a limited timeframe to address the concerns of the United States, European Union and others that opposed the original proposal. 

Farmers Protest: Roadmap ahead

There is a marked difference between the agitating farmers and the anti-social, ultra-left and pro-khalistani elements piggy backing on these protesting farmers. Understanding this difference is important for all well meaning citizens, politicians, journalists, activists and anyone else who wishes to comment on the issues.

This agitation is not merely a law and order issue and dealing it as such will be a mistake. Secondly this is not focused on the interest of the farmers, this also is not about the three farm laws alone, so any effort for explanation about the benefits of these laws will not cut any ice with the agitation leaders. Thirdly, the two different factions; the Sikhs of Punjab, concentrating on the Singhu border and the other being the Jats mostly from the western Uttar Pradesh, stationed at Ghazipur border are showing signs of strain in their relations. People at Singhu border are averse to any political intervention, but at Ghazipur border, Rakesh Tikait and his gang, show inclinations of political ambitions. How the government looks into these two strains is important in the coming weeks. The plot has thickened, with the global players like Poetic Justice, Sikh for Justice, Justin Trudeau, Greta Thunberg, Miya Khalifa etc. jumping on the bandwagon. It is a political movement against the Narendra Modi government and has to be dealt politically.

The complexity of the situation is that, the farm laws are good for the agriculture sector and will benefit farmers to a very large extent; attracting much needed private investment in this highly capital deficient sector, starving for market based reforms over several decades, but still the leaders of movement want repeal of these laws and will not accept any amendments. The government has already bent backwards, on different occasions, agreeing to more than a dozen amendments, meeting out farmer's concerns on minimum support price (MSP) and offering to suspend these three laws for a period of up to two years, which itself makes them temporarily ineffective.

The government's reluctance to repeal them stems from the conviction about the need for market oriented reforms in the farm sector and increasing the role of private players in the agriculture economy. This stand has been reiterated over two decades by agro economist, Parliament standing Committee on agriculture, empowered committee of the State agriculture ministers and several commissions on farm sector reforms. BJP is ideologically right to centre party, believes in markets economy and the important role of business and industry community in the economic development of the nation. If this moment of reckoning is lost, it will cause irreparable damage to democratic polity of the country. The question that pricks one’s mind is, will India move towards anarchy? “The tyranny of the unelected” or will respect the democratic institutions, like Parliament, Supreme Court and the process of law making as envisaged in the Constitution.

Reform as such are very difficult as the benefits comes with a time lag and are spread thin, whereas adverse impact on certain stakeholders are marked and are immediate. Lot of political capital is to be spent on carrying out reforms and so political class is reluctant to carry them out. As such we have not seen many major reforms after 1991 and even then the reforms were restricted to attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), financial sector and international trade, being carried out under compulsion of imminent sovereign default. The leadership at that time couldn’t muster the courage to undertake major requisite reforms in land, labour and agriculture segments. If this golden moment is lost in petty politics, we may not have any appetite left to undertake mega reforms. Also, there are no more, low hanging fruits available for reforms for the government.   

Whoever may gain or lose out of this agitation, but farmers surely will be at a loss. This demonstration brute force and immaturity of farmers is a cause for worry and is majorly responsible for decades of inaction of the successive governments on agriculture reforms.

We the people of India must know that while there may have been certain shortcoming in the process of enactment of these laws, but they are the law of the land and serve the larger interest of the agriculture segment of the society. It is not in the interest of the country to get these laws repealed.

The responsibility of building right narration rests on all well meaning citizens of the country. It cannot be left to political class alone. Politics will be what it is with all its limitations in a democratic ecosystem. Let us all rise to the occasion. Among other things, the agitators have also been drawing strength from the misplaced sympathy of fellow countrymen. It is our duty to be well informed and support the Government in this path breaking reforms.

Gopal Krishna Agarwal

National Spokesperson of BJP

gopalagarwal@hotmail.com

कृषि सुधार कानूनों पर बढ़ती राजनीति

 2020-21 की दूसरी तिमाही में सकल घरेलू उत्पाद (जीडीपी) में 7.5 फीसदी की गिरावट दर्ज की है। लेकिन जीडीपी के कृषि क्षेत्र में पुनः वृद्धि 3.4 प्रतिशत की हुई है, जो अच्छे संकेत दे रहे है। कृषि और ग्रामीण क्षेत्र ने अर्थव्यवस्था के सुधार में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है।

कोविड-19 समस्या के परिणामों और कठिनाइयों से निपटने के लिए, मोदी सरकार ने मई 2020 में 'आत्मनिर्भर भारत' पैकेज की घोषणा की थी। इन घोषणाओं के अनूरुप, केंद्र सरकार 5 जून 2020 को 3 अध्यादेशों को लाई थी। और अब ये संसद से पारित कानून बन गये है। कृषि उपज व्यापार और वाणिज्य (संवर्धन और सरलीकरण) विधेयक, 2020, कृषि (सशक्तिकरण और संरक्षण) मूल्य अश्वासन और कृषि सेवा करार विधेयक, 2020 और आवश्यक वस्तु (संशोधन) विधेयक, 2020 है।

ये कानून पूर्ववर्ती सरकार के किसानों के कल्याण के नाम पर गलत हस्तक्षेप को सीधा विराम लगाने के लिए है।

कृषि क्षेत्र में आपूर्ति श्रृंखला को मजबूत करने के लिए, खुदरा वितरण, वेयरहाउसिंग, कोल्ड स्टोरेज और परिवहन आवाजाही आदि में बड़े पैमाने पर निवेश की आवश्यकता है। यह बड़ा निवेश निजी क्षेत्र से ही आ सकता है। लेकिन जब तक हम भंडारण की सीमा नहीं हटाते है निजी निवेश नहीं होगा। भारतीय कृषि, कम उपज से प्रचुरता की ओर बढ़ रही है इसलिए वर्ष 1955 से लागू आवश्यक वस्तुओं के कानून पर पुनर्विचार करने की आवश्यकता है।

कृषि क्षेत्र के यह सुधार, व्यापक अर्थव्यवस्था के विकास के लिए वर्ष 1991 के समय के मूलभूत बदलावों के समान ही हैं। सभी प्रमुख अर्थशास्त्रियों और कृषि विशेषज्ञों द्वारा इसका स्वागत भी किया गया है। इन सभी सुधारों की आवश्यकता लंबे समय से महसूस की जा रही थी। पिछले 20 वर्षो का इतिहास देखेगें तो पता चलेगा कि 'राज्य मंत्रियों की समिति’ द्वारा कृषि बाजार सुधारों को लागू करने के लिए कृषि विपणन प्रणाली वाली अपनी रिपोर्ट में इन सभी आवश्यकताओं पर जोर दिया गया था। कृषि पर संसदीय स्थाई समिति की बासठंवी रिपोर्ट में भी यही बात दोहराई गई थी। चूँकि ये रिपोर्ट राजनीतिक पक्षपात में नहीं फंसी थी, इसलिए इसे लगभग सभी राजनीतिक दलों का समर्थन प्राप्त हुआ था।

अब कांग्रेस एवं कुछ अन्य राजनीतिक दल और उनसे जुड़े किसान और बिचौलियों से संबंधित संगठन अपने नुकसान को ध्यान में रख कर कोलाहल मचा रहे हैं और लगातार गलत सूचना एवं अफवाहें फैलाई जा रही है। यह बहुत ही दुखद है कि इस प्रकार किसानों के हित को अनदेखा करके कहां जा रहा हैं कि सरकार न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (एमएसपी) को खत्म कर देगी जबकि सरकार द्वारा यह स्पष्ट कर दिया गया है कि एमएसपी सिस्टम को हटाने का कोई सवाल ही नहीं है। इस वर्ष की एमएसपी की बढ़ी हुई खरीद की दरों का भी ऐलान कर दिया गया है। और खरीदारी भी शुरु हो गई हैं।

मंडी अधिनियम भारतीय संविधान के अंतर्गत राज्यों के दायरे में आते हैं और इसलिए केंद्र का इसमें एकतरफा संशोधन करने का कोई अधिकार ही नहीं है। केवल अंतर-राज्यीय कमोडिटी ट्रेड ही केन्द्र के अधीन आते हैं। इसलिए मौजूदा मंडी संरचना को समाप्त नहीं किया जा सकता है। अब कृषि उपज के लिए व्यापार और वाणिज्य की वैकल्पिक बाजार सुविधा प्रदान करने के लिए नए अधिनियम के साथ कई नई संभावना बन रही हैं। निजी बाजारों से प्रतिस्पर्धा के कारण मंडियां अब किसानों की उपज खरीद का एकाधिकार नहीं कर सकेंगी ।

शत प्रतिशत एमएसपी की खरीद के सवाल पर शांता कुमार की रिपोर्ट उठाकर देखेंगे तो पहले कुल उत्पादन का सिर्फ छह प्रतिशत फसल ही सरकार खरीदती थी। अब मोदी सरकार में सरकारी खरीद बढ़कर 15 प्रतिशत हो गई है। यानी कि मोदी सरकार किसानों के कल्याण के लिए बेहतर कर रही है। केंद्र सरकार सिर्फ न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य घोषित करती है, जबकि राज्य सरकारें खरीद करती है।

जब नए कानून का एमएसपी से कोई संबंध नहीं है, तो फिर लिखकर देने की बात ही नहीं है। एमएसपी अलग विषय है, उस पर दूसरे स्तर से चर्चा हो सकती है। आज ke vakt में एपीएमसी की मोनोपाली (एकाधिकार) किसानों की सबसे बड़ी समस्या है। आढ़तिये लोकल मंडी में किसानों को फसल बेचने के लिए मजबूर करते हैं। क्योंकि उन्हें साढ़े आठ प्रतिशत कमीशन मिलता है। जबकि नए कानून से जहां लाभ मिलेगा, किसान वहीं फसल बेच सकेंगे।

जहां तक किसानों के अपनी जमीन को कॉरपोरेट के पास खोने की बात है। मूल्य आश्वासन और कृषि सेवाओं पर किसान (सशक्तीकरण और संरक्षण) समझौता कानून, 2020. कृषि उत्पाद के खरीद का समझौता है ना कि किसान की भूमि के बारे में समझौता है। इस कानून में किसानों के लिए उनकी भूमि पर कई सुरक्षा के नए उपाय भी है। उपज के नुकसान के मामले में किसानों को ही बीमा क्षतिपूर्ति का लाभ मिलेगा और उनकी भूमि पर उपयोग किए जाने वाले उपकरणों को उनके लिए ही संरक्षित किया गया है। कानून के अन्दर विवाद समाधान की प्रक्रिया को भी जिला स्तर पर जिला बोर्ड के माध्यम से निर्धारित किया गया है। किसानों को न्याय पाने के लिए एक अदालत से दूसरे अदालत में अब चक्कर नहीं लगाने पड़ेंगे।

2014 के बाद से जिम्मेदार विपक्ष का अभाव भारतीय राजनीति का एक हिस्सा बनता जा रहा है। यह सोच पूर्णतः गलत है, जब की कांग्रेस ने खुद सत्ता में रहते हुए इन नीतियों की पैरवी की थी। कांग्रेस पार्टी ने अपने 2014 और 2019 के चुनाव घोषणापत्र में तो एपीएमसी प्रणाली को खत्म करने का ही वादा किया था। इन उपायों का जनता से वादा भी किया था।

सभी तीन कानून कृषि बाजारों के सुधार के लिए ही हैं। नए और राष्ट्रीय बाजारों के विकल्प देना, बुनियादी ढांचे के निर्माण के लिए निजी निवेश को आकर्षित करना, बेहतर मूल्य के निर्धारण में मदद करना, सूचना प्रसार तंत्र स्थापित करना और किसानों को उनकी उपज के लिए उचित मूल्य आश्वासन प्रदान करना इनका लक्ष्य है।

प्रधानमंत्री श्री मोदी जी किसानों के हित के लिए दिन-रात प्रयासरत हैं, और सही सूचना जन-जन तक पहुंचाने के लिए भारतीय जनता पार्टी सतत कार्य कर रही है। किसी को भी यह दुविधा नहीं रहनी चाहिए कि हमारी सरकार के लिए किसानों का हित ही सर्वोपरि है।

 

गोपाल कृष्ण अग्रवाल

राष्ट्रीय प्रवक्ता, भाजपा आर्थिक मामलों

gopalagarwal@hotmail.com

पेट्रोल डीजल की बढ़ती कीमतों का सच

 आधिकारिक तौर पर पेट्रोल और डीजल की कीमत अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में कच्चे तेल से तय होती है। पेट्रोल की कीमत अंतरराष्ट्रीय और ग्लोबल वजहों से तो बढ़ती है, लेकिन इसमें कई कारण घरेलू भी होते हैं। पेट्रोल प्राइसेज और फेडरल स्ट्रक्चर को हमें समझने की जरूरत है।

जितनी भी हमारी पेट्रोल की आवश्यकता है उसका 85 फीसदी हम इंपोर्ट करते हैं। हमारे पूरे इंपोर्ट का 70 फीसदी बिल पेट्रोलियम पदार्थो के इंपोर्ट पर खर्च हो जाता है। भारत की पेट्रोलियम पदार्थो की खपत को लेकर स्थिति काफी सीमित है। इसीलिए हमें अपनी उर्जा की खपत के लिए पेट्रोलियम स्रोतो के अलावा अन्य वैकल्पिक स्रोतो को भी अपनाना पड़ेगा।

वास्तव में प्रदेश सरकार और राज्य सरकार दोनों ही इस पर एक्साइज और वैट टैक्स लगाते हैं और इस टैक्स का कॉम्पोनेंट काफी ज्यादा है। जहां तक प्रदेश सरकारों की बात है, केंद्र सरकार राज्य सरकार को अपने टैक्स कलेक्शन का 42 फीसदी भाग सीधा ट्रांसफर करती हैं। इसके अलावा केंद्र सरकार की जितनी भी जनकल्याणकारी योजनाएं हैं उसका पैसा भी केंद्र सरकार राज्य सरकारों को देती है। तो ऐसे में केंद्र सरकार के कलेक्शन का ज्यातर हिस्सा राज्य सरकारों को चला जाता है। इसलिए हमारा ऐसा मानना है कि राज्य सरकारों को अपना वैट कम करना चाहिए, जिससे तेल की कीमतों पर नियंत्रण किया जा सके।

अगर तेल की कीमतों पर नियंत्रण करना है तो इसका लॉन्ग टर्म सॉल्यूशन यही है कि इसे भी जीएसटी के अंदर ही लाया जाए। केन्द्र सरकार इसके लिए राज्य सरकारों से अग्रह भी किया है। केंद्र सरकार राज्य सरकारों को जीएसटी के अन्तर्गत भी पूरा कंपनसेशन दे रही है।

 

सबसे महत्वपूर्ण बात है कि रिन्यूएबल एनर्जी की तरफ सरकारों को ध्यान देना आवश्यक है। बीजली आपूर्ति के लिए जो डिसकॉम कम्पनियां है उनकी माली हालत भी काफी खराब है, हमारी सरकार ने उनकी हालत दुरुस्त करने के लिए बजट में काफी प्रावधान किए है। देश का बिजली डिस्ट्रीब्यूशन नेटवर्क काफी पुराना और खस्ता हालत में पड़ा हुआ है। हम उसको मजबूत करने की तरफ भी कार्य कर रहे हैं। इसके अलावा बैटरी ऑपरेटेड गाड़ियां ज्यादा से ज्यादा सड़कों पर आए इस संबंध में एक दीर्घकालिक नीति बनानी होगी जिसपर भी पिछली सरकारो ने ध्यान नहीं किया।

पुरानी सरकारें तेल कंपनियों को सब्सिडी ऑईल बॉड के रुप में दे दिया करती थी, मोदी सरकार अब उसका भुगतान कर रही है। पिछली सरकारों ने पेट्रोल-डीजल को सब्सिडाइज किया, उस राशि को तेल कम्पनियों को भुगतान भी नहीं किया और बजट में उसका प्रावधान भी नहीं किया। अब वह हमारी सरकार को भुगतान करना पड़ रहा है। यह वजह भी है कि आज हम पेट्रोल प्राइस को लेकर बुरी स्थिति में फंसे हुए हैं। इन सारी चीजों को जनता को समझना पड़ेगा।

इसके अलावा कोविड-19 महामारी की वजह से भी इनकम टैक्स का कलेक्शन काफी कम हुआ है। कॉर्पोरेट और व्यक्तिगत टैक्स लगभग 26 फीसदी घटा है, जबकि केंद्र सरकार ने प्रदेशो को फंड ट्रांसफर में कोई कमी नहीं की है और अपना वार्षिक खर्च भी कम नहीं किया है। केंद्र सरकार कोरोना वायरस से लड़ने के लिए आत्मनिर्भर भारत के अन्तर्गत कई नई जन कल्याणकारी योजनाएं लेकर आई है।

हेल्थ सेक्टर और आत्मनिर्भर भारत में काफी खर्च बढ़ाया गया है। यह टैक्स का कलेक्शन कम होने के बावजूद भी पूरा खर्च केन्द्र सरकार की तरफ से किया गया है।

केन्द्र सरकार के इस वर्ष के बजट में लगभग 14.5 प्रतिशत आय घटने के बावजूद अपने खर्च को, अर्थव्यवस्था की आवश्यकता को ध्यान में रखते हुए 34 प्रतिशत से बढाया है। इसके परिणाम स्वरुप ही हमारी अर्थव्यवस्था कोविड के बाद तेजी से पटरी पर आ रही है।

सरकार ने राजकोषीय घाटे को बढ़ाकर और ऋण आपूर्ति के द्वारा संसाधन जुटाने का मार्ग चुना है जिसे सभी के द्वारा सराहा गया है हालांकि सभी तरफ से यही सुझाव आ रहे थे कि डायरेक्ट टैक्स बढ़ाया जाए। तमाम चुनौतियों के बावजूद मोदी सरकार ने जनता पर कोई अतिरिक्त भार नहीं डाला है। समय की मांग थी कि सरकार अपने व्यय को बढाए और अर्थव्यवस्था को मजबूती प्रदान करें। सरकार ने हर तरह से अर्थव्यवस्था को गति प्रदान करने की कोशिश की है।

अगर आज हम देखें तो देश की अर्थव्यवस्था पुनः विकास पथ पर अग्रसर हो गई है। रिजर्व बैंक के रिपोर्ट हो या वित्त मंत्रालय की मासिक आर्थिक रिपोर्ट, सभी आर्थिक मोर्चे पर देश की मजबूत होती स्थिति को दर्शाती हैं। पर्चेज मैनेजर इंडेक्स भी उद्योगों की बढ़त ही दर्शा रहा है। इंडस्ट्रियल प्रोडक्शन सूचकांक आठ क्षेत्रों में विकास की अच्छी दर दर्शा रहा है। जीएसटी का कर संग्रह पिछले तीनों महीनों में एक लाख करोड से ऊपर रहा है। इन से इतर आईएमएफ रिपोर्ट के अनुसार भी भारत की जीडीपी अगले वर्ष 11.5 प्रतिशत से बढ़ेगी और भारत विश्व की सबसे तीव्र गति से बढ़ने वाले अर्थव्यवस्था बना रहेगा।

पिछली सरकारो की गलत नीतियों को ठीक करने के लिए और वर्तमान में अर्थव्यवस्था की आवश्यकता को ध्यान में रखकर सरकार सभी महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय ले रही है। विश्व स्तर पर भी सरकार तेल उत्पादन को बढ़वाने के लिए प्रयास कर रही है।

गोपाल कृष्ण अग्रवाल

राष्ट्रीय प्रवक्ता, भाजपा आर्थिक मामलो

gopalagarwal@hotmail.com

Reform 2.0 Labour Codes

 After Atma Nirbhar Bharat stimulus package our government has embarked on two major reforms in agriculture and labour laws. These policy reforms are market orientated, bringing efficiency, transparency and easy of compliances in both the segments.

There is hue and cry about agriculture reforms in certain sections. But little is being discussed about labour laws reform, which are to be notified in April 2021. As these are also very important, a larger debate is welcome at this juncture.

India had 67 percent of population in the working age (15-64 years) in 2019 according to the World Bank. This high ratio of working to non-working age population, gives us an opportunity to reap the demographic dividend, if we are able to gainfully employ this population. The window is small and closing fast because of falling fertility rates in India. If we as a country miss this opportunity, we will be old before we get rich. With this and the fact that employment is poverty alleviating in mind, Modi government is in overdrive to set an enabling environment.

Indian labour laws are considered complex and restrictive. One of its defining characteristics is job security of workers covered under it. Complexity also implies huge compliance burden for the companies. As a consequence of this, the labour to capital ratio is low despite the fact that India is a labour abundant and capital scarce country. Rigidities in the labour market have also ensured that the employment elasticity of Indian economy has remained low. Therefore GDP growth does not lead to commensurate employment generation.

Unemployment problem is challenging in India because it emerges from structural rigidities of our labour market. Therefore, amending and consolidating 29 central labour laws into four codes figured prominently on the agenda. The four codes cover, i. wages, ii. industrial relations, iii. occupational safety, health and working conditions  and iv. social security. The code on minimum wages was made into law in 2019 and the remaining three in September, 2020.

A disturbing feature of Indian labour sector is its very high degree of informality. 93 percent of India’s labour force works informally. About 80 percent of it works in the unorganised sector and the remaining is employed informally in the organized sector of the economy. Therefore a lot of focus in these codes has been to promote formal employment. The definition of ‘employees’ in the code on social security has been expanded to include workers employed through contractors, self employed migrant workers, additional categories of platform workers etc. It also provides for a registration of unorganised workers, gig workers and platform workers and says that the Central government will set up a social security fund for such workers. These provisions together with measures like making appointment letters compulsory and allowing business enterprises to hire workers directly on contract are aimed at reducing informality.

One of the most significant changes brought through the new industrial relations code is the introduction of fixed term contracts. The first time fixed term contracts were introduced was in 2016 but it was only for the apparel industry. Though in 2018 it was allowed for other industries as well, the effect was limited because this new form of employment was introduced through changes in rules made under the Standing Orders Act which applies only to industrial establishments with 100 or more workers. In the absence of such an enabling provision, companies were forced to hire workers informally. Thus, this change is expected to boost employment in industries that experience seasonality in production. Workers will be eligible for all statutory benefits available to a permanent worker proportionately, according to the period of service rendered by them and the minimum qualifying period would not apply to them.

Focus of the current codes on self certification, reduced compliance and simplification will lead to a lower cost of doing business. Closure, lay-offs and retrenchment in factories employing up to 300 workers would now not need prior approval of the concerned Government. This, coupled with the fact that even the Standing Orders has been made applicable to establishments with over 300 workers means that smaller companies would not be hobbled by regulatory cholesterol. Not only this, the code on occupational safety, health and working conditions has increased the threshold of its applicability to 20 workers  where the manufacturing process is carried out using power and 40 workers without using power. Government rightly believes that when enterprises grow up to a certain size only then they would be in a position to bear higher compliance burden. The biggest beneficiary of the new codes would be the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME) Sector. This sector produces 40 percent of India’s GDP and employs a higher number of people per unit of invested capital.

With other supportive measures like production linked incentives, globally competitive corporate tax rate and balanced free trade agreements, we can safely say that the Central government has almost solved the jigsaw puzzle that Indian manufacturing sector had become and with the coming Budget 2021 and the years that follow, would see exponential growth in manufacturing and employment.

Economic reforms require expending political capital by the governments, as the benefits of reforms are spread thin and apparent only with a time lag and seemingly adverse impact on certain stakeholder are felt immediately. Therefore, India has not seen many major reforms since 1991 and even then important areas like land, labour and agriculture were left out of agenda. The biggest take away from these codes and the recent reforms in the agricultural sector, is a confirmation that a reformist government is at the helm of affairs that will get Indian economy rid of its socialist vestiges. That, for me, is a very reassuring feeling.

Gopal Krishna Agarwal

National Spokesperson Of BJP

9810019753

gopalagarwal@hotmail.com